Liberal Paradoxes

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Posted by Micah on

A recent article posed in the NYT - In Furor Over Cartoon, Murdoch Apologizes for ‘Grotesque’ Drawing - sheds some light on media politics. As if we needed to be reminded how untouchable Israel (and any critique of its policies) really is…

A British newspaper, The Sunday Times, owned by Rupert Murdoch published some cartoons which acted as a criticism of Israel’s policies in the West Bank. The publication of these cartoons straddled both the Israeli elections and Holocaust memorial day. Immediately the cartoons were pegged as anti-Semitic despite the fact that they were directed at political issues unrelated to vitriolic hate speech about Jews as a people. More interesting is how Zionist politicians attempt to reconstruct an identity that makes one’s Jewishness synonymous with state power or national policies. This restructuring of political memory needs both theological as well as political deconstructing if we are to be able to combat such rhetoric.

The Times article offers us such memorable quotes such as (emphasis mine):

Monday, Mr. Murdoch wrote that the artist who drew the cartoon, Gerald Scarfe, “has never reflected the opinions of The Sunday Times. Nevertheless, we owe major apology for grotesque, offensive cartoon.”

and

the board said the cartoon “is shockingly reminiscent of the blood libel imagery more usually found in parts of the virulently anti-Semitic Arab press.”

this one is particularly interesting:

“The paper has long written strongly in defense of Israel and its security concerns, as have I as a columnist,” he said in a statement published by the Press Association news agency. “We are, however, reminded of the sensitivities in this area by the reaction to the cartoon, and I will, of course, bear them very carefully in mind in future.”

Let me remind everyone that such sensitivities are never taken into account when one’s Prophet is criticized both in cartoons and in films with an incredible amount tastelessness. It points to a liberal paradox where certain sensitivities are more highly valued than others. More than that, it shows how the “religious,” as a domain bound up tightly with experiences, discourses, practices, and memories, ceases to retain any sacredness. Liberal secularists fail to see how the sacred has migrated into the political as a space owned by the nation-state. Public discourse seems to do little good in these types of situations when accusations of anti-Semitism shut down all possible avenues of debate.
If only Islamophobia carried a fraction of the rhetorical weight as anti-Semitism does…

As a student of medical anthropology living and studying in the Middle East, two areas of U.S. politics are particularly relevant to me: healthcare and foreign policy.

Despite the occasional statement from Governor Romney revealing a bit of confusion on the politics and geography of the Middle East, as well as the lament from contacts on social networks that “somewhere in the Middle East a radical Muslim is celebrating” due to Obama’s victory, foreign policy was not a true dividing line between the candidates this year. In fact, I would imagine most “radical Muslims” are more angry about drone attacks–which have increased exponentially (in Pakistan and Yemen especially) during Obama’s first term, support for Israel, and sanctions against Iran–than they are celebrating his election. Most of my Iranian contacts and Syrian friends (here in Turkey so they can continue their education despite the war) are at best indifferent towards Obama (and in my mind they are all pretty far from the “radical Muslim” label). As Ian Bremmer (political science, Colombia) wrote on Reuters this week, “rocking the vote may not rock the boat.” What he means is that given the rather slight nature of the differences between the candidates’ foreign policy approaches and the overwhelming emphasis given to domestic issues and trouble at home, any election result was unlikely to have a drastic impact on the momentum of world events.

But while it may be business as usual for U.S. foreign affairs (especially in the Middle East), there is an issue whose trajectory has been decisively set by Obama’s victory–healthcare. Obamacare, or the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, was signed into law in 2010 and with Obama as president is no longer in danger of being repealed. This in and of itself demands attention–though there will be reforms and changes, the basis of this American version of universal healthcare is likely here to stay. Regardless of your level of disappointment, joy, or indifference after last night’s result, Obamacare may be the most tangible change we see that is directly attributable to the presidential election. And regardless of your views on Obamacare–on the individual mandate, on the provision requirement for companies with greater than 50 employees, on extending Medicare to everyone under 133% of the poverty line, or on subsidies for purchasing private insurance for those from 133 to 400% of the poverty line–there are two little-discussed and closely related sections of the law that provide great opportunity for improving healthcare delivery in the United States.

These are sections 3025 and 3026. Never heard of ‘em? I’m not surprised, most people–especially including those staunchly opposed to or highly in favor of Obamacare–don’t seem to actually know that much about the law. Those on the more informed side usually only focus on the big ticket items, like those listed above. Sections 3025/3026 are relatively limited in scope and are not perfect–I am not going to argue that they will improve healthcare delivery, only that, depending on implementation and eventual scope, they have the potential to do so.

Section 3025 is written with the goal of reducing hospital readmissions (basically, return of a patient soon after discharge for the same or related condition) and their associated costs. These costs are substantial, to put it lightly. Within the Medicare system alone, readmission amounts to an additional (read: unecessary) cost of $17.5 billion annually. A 2004 study in Medical Care Research and Review, based on 1999 data from New York, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Wisconsin, found an additional cost of $730 million for readmission for preventable conditions over (only) a 6 month period for a study population of (just) 425,344 persons discharged from hospitals in January-June 1999. Nationally, the Institute for Healthcare Improvement puts the figure at $25 billion in preventable additional costs per year.

Section 3025 requires the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) to reduce payments to hospitals with excess readmissions. Currently, this applies to excess readmissions for heart attack (AMI), heart failure, and pneumonia. This in and of itself is not necessarily a good thing, as KHN points out it will be hospitals treating the poor that are the hardest hit. However, the potential lies in the methods that section 3025 and 3026 lay out for achieving reduction in readmissions. Section 3025 requires that the department of Health and Human Services provide quality improvement programs through Patient Safety Organizations or PSOs. Closely related to this, section 3026–the Community-Based Care Transitions Program (CCTP) provides funding and support for organizations working at the community level to improve transition from inpatient to ambulatory care and reduce readmissions.

We have in sections 3025 and 3026, then, a federal incentive for hospitals to reduce readmission and a federally-supported program for community-based care. Looking at some of the partners for the CCTP that have been announced shows the potential of this model. The Atlanta CCTP, for instance, states that their intervention is “two-pronged” and uses both the Coleman coaching model (patient coaching) and a need-based “short term supportive service package” that consists of free home delivered meals, two round trip transportation trips to medical appointments, and in-home services provided for 2 hours per day for up to 3 days.

This kind of care has long been advocated by professionals that have worked in successful medical programs in less privileged areas of the world, and returned home to find an expensive and cumbersome system that still doesn’t deliver better outcomes. One of the primary strategies that has allowed organizations like Partners In Health–a darling of the applied anthropology world–to be so successful treating difficult diseases in places like Haiti and Rwanda is their reliance on community health workers, accompaniment, and supplemental aid for families and patients undergoing treatment (e.g. food, transportation). If the programs supported by sections 3025 and 3026 of the Affordable Care Act (PSO and CCTP, respectively) continue to lean in the direction of a community-based model that includes accompaniment and supplemental aid, we are likely to see reductions in readmission for the three key maladies currently identified by the Department of Health and Human Services (heart attack, heart failure, pneumonia). Not only does this model provide patients with better and more dignified care (rather than automatically blaming treatment failures on “noncompliance” across the board), it will also save the healthcare system a great deal of money.

Section 3025 of the Affordable Care Act provides the incentive to adopting these programs in over 2000 hospitals. If the implementation arms of sections 3025 and 3026, Patient Safety Organizations and the Community-Based Care Transitions Program, prove successful for these hospitals, there is good reason to think similar programs (community-based accompaniment with supplemental aid) will be implemented in other hospitals looking to improve outcomes and reduce costs associated with returning patients. We can also hope that demonstration of this model’s effectiveness on a broader scale will lead to its adoption for a variety diseases–not just the three expensive maladies identified here.

Those of us familiar with the effectiveness of the community-based model of health care should watch the roll-out of Obamacare closely, particularly sections 3025 and 3026. There has never been more federal support for a community-based model of care (through the PSOs and especially the CCTP), nor more of an incentive for such a program to be adopted at so many hospitals across the country. Success is not guaranteed. If Community-Based Care Transitions Program partners are not welcomed by hospitals, are not able to reduce readmissions, or are not support by the Department of Health and Human Services at the needed level, the act may indeed end up doing nothing more than punishing hospitals that have a higher population of poor patients. But if these programs are successful in reducing readmissions (and thus costs), we may for the first time begin to see truly nationwide momentum towards implementing community-based healthcare with accompaniment and supplemental aid for patients. That would be a very good thing.

Categories Health and Healing

Off the cuff, as usual…

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Posted by Micah on

Its a bit late for me to start chiming in on the massive protests that has spanned the globe in response to the recent video titled “The Innocence of Muslims.” If I am to be completely transparent, I haven’t really followed the issue in depth, aside from an article here and a blog post there. But I read something on Religion Dispatches that I found quite interesting, which in turn provoked me to write this post. The post is called “Are Muslims Nuts?” by Haroon Moghul, a Ph.D candidate at Columbia University. Moghul states:

We often don’t have problems with violence, as long as it is justified in terms we consider morally appropriate, which is usually a way of saying culturally appropriate. Troublingly, this prevents us from seeing potential for shared values. Instead, extremists presume conflict, and lead us to assume conflict, because they portray Muslims and the West as homogenous and oppositional identities.

What I find interesting and engaging about this quote is that it points us beyond the particulars of the current debate and invites us to ask questions about something deeper than the supposed “Muslim Rage” that our Western values seem particularly immune to (see Prof. Bruce Lawrence’s on genealogies of Muslim Rage for a worthwhile critique of the phrase). Don’t get me wrong, the particulars are extremely important and I am not suggesting that we overlook them (we absolutely must pay attention to the past colonial and post colonial remainders that linger with us both in the memories of the people and in the local and global institutions of the 21st century), rather I am suggesting that we dig deeper into the particulars of our own sacred symbols, our own alters that require atonement, our own religious symbols that when abused provoke us to violence, both discursive and physical. What I want to draw attention to is the multiple manifestations of violence, particularly how we as secular moderns (this is including a large number of people despite their claims to certain religious beliefs) are moved to guard those values, beliefs, and practices that we find not only extremely important but seemingly impossible to live without.

So let us look a little closer at “violence justified in terms we consider morally appropriate.” What does this actually mean? Are we talking about the legitimacy of the state to both use and/or control the use of violence? We could definitely learn a thing or two from examining in closer detail the power of the modern state as the sole regulator of all legitimate (read legal) forms of violence. But instead of taking this road I’d like us to think through the violence of legal categories, namely the capability to transgress the boundaries drawn around sacred symbols, a transgression which we have enshrined in the legal language of “freedom of speech.” This becomes particularly hard for us to see when we often imagine ourselves living in a disenchanted world, i.e. a world thoroughly dichotomized in which the political should inhabit a sphere (the public one) separate from the sphere of religion (the private). Another possible reason that this might be hard for us to bear is that the histories with which we engage always tell a story of progress that starts from political turmoil rooted in the passionate and illogical “wars of religion” in 16th and 17th century Europe and ends in the triumph of secular rationality in our modern, Western world of nation states. This is of course a simplified story but I think the gist of it might carry some explanative power. When our beloved secular story is placed before the antagonist of its past, that of religious violence, it feels existentially threatened. We in turn feel existentially threatened. When our sacred practices such as Freedom of Speech, deeply rooted in the rhetoric of democratic political values, is threatened by those who wish to place limits on its use, we again start to feel threatened. Through this new discourses emerge, sometimes violent in forms of hate speech and sometimes peaceful in the form of debates. But when those whose beloved Prophet, the one whose very existence as God’s messenger is worth emulating and embodying in every way is ridiculed, they too feel threatened and angered. Similarly movements of protest emerge, sometimes violent and again sometimes peaceful, but for us to characterize one as emanating from some inherent form of cultural and civilizational backwardness is to really misunderstand how we too have our practices, both political and religious, that remain unquestionably sacred and in our own minds, hearts, and constitutions –  something we too deem worthy of emulation.

In closing, I’d like to quote from an article I cited earlier from a short entry by Abbas Barzegar on the Huffington Post:
Another layer of irony, still, will be our own melancholy reactions. As more protests unfold in the coming days and more violence abounds, the average global citizen will simply shake their heads, dumbfounded, and make hollow appeals for calm and reason. What we have yet to understand is that whether it takes the shape of Muhammad or the concept of Free Speech, the sacred remains untouchable 

 

 

 

Categories Uncategorized, Violence

Updates soon to come…

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Posted by Micah on

It has been a long time since either Alex or I have updated due to many circumstances changing in both of our lives. Alex is newly married (congrats!) and has also been accepted to FSMVU in Istanbul and will be moving there shortly with his wife. I am also soon to be married and for this reason have come back to the States to prepare for the marriage and move with my soon-to-be-wife-cum-Istanbullian-sidekick-and-tea-connoisseur-extraordinaire!

Because Alex and I will now be together in one city with many new experiences to share, I hope our blogging will become frequent and hopefully more direct in its engagement with out respective interests.

Expect new and exciting things, don’t give up on us, and thank you so much for taking the time to read,  encourage, or challenge us as we grow intellectually.

 

Categories Uncategorized

State and Philosophy

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Posted by Micah on

Stanley Hauerwas and Brian Goldstone expand upon the philosophical work done by Pierre Hadot and Wittgenstein in their article “Discplined Seeing: Forms of Christianity and Forms of Life” (South Atlantic Quarterly 109:4 2010). In their article, both the authors use Hadot’s re-reading of the philosophy of antiquity in order to offer a philosophical exercise that is directed at creating certain types of human dispositions rather than offering a theoretical model of retreat in which the philosophical stance is one of distance and is primarily located in how one perceives the world. I’d like to quote at large what I think is a spot-on critique of political modernity through the elucidation of Hauerwas and Goldstone.

The political analogue of this will to mastery can be found in the rationality and the structuring order of modern bureaucratic states, such that the abnegation or at least the domestication of contingency – “the taming of chance,” as Ian Hacking would have it – becomes the critical precondition for a range of legal and administrative capabilities. “Could there be,” Wittgenstein queries, “human beings lacking the capacity to see something as something – and what would that be like? What sort of consequences would it have? – Would this defect be comparable to colour-blindness or to not having absolute pitch? – We will call it ‘aspect-blindness.’” Enabling human populations, their potentialities and pathologies alike, to be explained and managed with unprecedented efficiency – and, when deemed unmanageable, to be efficiently discarded – aspect blindness turns out to be more than a debased ethical position; it turns out to name an indispensable modality of effective governance (767).

 

Categories Contingency